Indian High Commissioner Dinesh Trivedi arrived in Dhaka a few months ago, carrying more political weight than any Indian envoy in recent memory. However, his first meeting with Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Tarique Rahman on August 10 underlined the limits of that influence. While Trivedi spoke of a positive, constructive and forward-looking relationship, Rahman called for a “conducive environment” and urged India to expedite the extradition of former PM Sheikh Hasina. New Delhi responded the next day that Bangladesh’s request remained under review through legal procedures.
That gap between diplomatic language and political delivery defines Trivedi’s assignment. He arrived on June 12 but waited two months, a notable delay, to meet Rahman. A former Union minister with deep familiarity with Bengal, Trivedi was chosen because the relationship needs political repair, not routine diplomacy. But even a politically empowered High Commissioner cannot reset ties when decisive choices lie with his government.
The Hasina issue makes that clear. On July 31, the Indian Parliament was told that Hasina was not permitted to use Indian territory for political activity. Yet, on August 5, she had a virtual media interaction from Delhi, calling for the Awami League ban to be lifted and repeated her intention to return to Bangladesh in December. Dhaka protested that the appearance contradicted India’s assurance, while India denied endorsing the event.
The issue also bears directly on high-level engagement. India invited Rahman for a bilateral visit and, as BIMSTEC chair, to the BRICS summit in New Delhi on September 12-13. But Rahman has made clear he will not visit without progress on Bangladesh’s extradition demands, including Hasina and the suspected killers of Osman Hadi. The ill-timed press conference by Hasina certainly did not help. It has complicated things further because Delhi cannot avoid responsibility after declaring that she cannot do politics on Indian soil.
Even cricket has been drawn into the uncertainty. India’s six-match white-ball tour of Bangladesh next month is being discussed at ministerial level. That a cricket series requires diplomatic intervention shows how easily political mistrust can spill into areas that normally connect the two societies.
Still, progress should not be overlooked. Trivedi’s decision to enter Bangladesh by road through Benapole-Petrapole was symbolically apt. More importantly, India’s resumption of tourist-visa processing after nearly two years of restrictions restored mobility for patients, students and businesses, generating public confidence beyond formal communiqués.
Language matters too. Trivedi’s reference to India and Bangladesh sharing the “same sky” and moving forward as 1.6 billion people was meant to signal closeness. Information Minister Zaher Uddin Swapan, however, questioned why that vision stopped at two countries rather than encompassing SAARC’s 2.2 billion people. Bangladesh also hosts the BIMSTEC Secretariat and does not want the two groupings presented as alternatives. For India, the lesson is to embrace bilateral warmth without framing Bangladesh’s regional choices as either-or. More so as late President Ziaur Rahman, father of Tarique Rahman, is largely credited for being the initiator of SAARC.
The border is a harder test. India has sought verification of more than 2,860 suspected Bangladeshi nationals, while Dhaka insists that repatriation follow agreed procedures. Recent BSF-BGB talks have strengthened cooperation, but lasting improvement will depend on preventing push-ins, migration disputes and border killings from repeatedly overwhelming the relationship.
Water may prove more consequential still. The 1996 Ganges Water Sharing Treaty expires in December 2026, while Teesta remains unresolved after nearly 15 years. Bangladesh has made Teesta management a priority and China has offered support, increasing the pressure for progress.
The political equation inside India has also changed. With the BJP now governing West Bengal under Suvendu Adhikari, Delhi and Kolkata are politically aligned, removing one longstanding source of friction. Trivedi’s familiarity with West Bengal politics and access to PM Narendra Modi could help push negotiations forward. India has fewer reasons to let these issues drift while Dhaka looks elsewhere.
Economic relations require the same focus on delivery. India’s development commitment includes $8 billion in Lines of Credit, but delayed projects weaken their diplomatic value. Trade restrictions, slow customs procedures and the large imbalance feed the belief that connectivity benefits India more. Unless citizens and businesses see tangible benefits, such commitments will remain impressive on paper but unconvincing on practicality.
Trivedi’s access to Delhi higher-ups matters because he can carry difficult messages and rebuild political contact. His stature can help open doors directly in Delhi. But visas, borders, water, trade and extradition are ultimately matters of policy. His diplomacy can create momentum; whether the reset advances, and whether Rahman visits India, will depend on what Delhi chooses to do about the issues still driving wedges into one of South Asia’s most consequential relationships.
The writer is Chairman of IPAG India, a Dhaka-based international think tank
He arrived on June 12 but waited two months, a notable delay, to meet Rahman. 
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