Opinion For India-Russia partnership, Moscow must do its fair share
Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has been a vocal critic of India’s membership of the Quad and its relationship with the US. But if Moscow expects India to play cool with its relationship with China, it needs to lend the same courtesy to the India-US relationship
PM Modi, President Putin arrive at PM's official residence (X/@narendramodi) Russian President Vladimir Putin is on his first state visit to India since the war in Ukraine began in 2022. The visit has already ruffled feathers in diplomatic circles. First, the heads of the French, German and British diplomatic missions in India mounted a scathing attack on Russia for sabotaging peace in Europe. The Russian ambassador struck back, justifying the cause of the war and criticising Europe’s lack of seriousness towards ending it.
India’s struggle has been real, often exposing its limits in balancing relations with the US, the EU, and Russia. Consequently, commentators and the government have gone on the offensive to defend ties with Russia. But now, it is high time the Kremlin took the onus for its actions that have undermined India-Russia relations. Four years since the invasion, Russia stands isolated in the international economic order. Its major export to the world, energy, is largely substitutable. The Russian economy is deeply integrated with the world economy. That leaves Russia extremely vulnerable to economic coercion. Even its closest friend, China, which holds substantial influence, couldn’t pull Russia out of the mess. Eventually, even Beijing had to halt the settlement of payments owing to fears of secondary sanctions. The majority of Russia’s trade with China is still being settled via underground channels. If anything, Russia has reduced itself to selling off its goods and energy at an extremely discounted price.
To expect New Delhi to carry the burden of bilateral ties is unfair. Russia needs to understand these limits. Ending the war alone is not sufficient. The terms of peace in Ukraine are equally important. If the terms of any agreement are viewed as unfair, Russia’s integration with Europe and the world will be severely hampered. An isolated Moscow, coupled with India’s increasing integration with the US-led West, renders both countries susceptible to Western coercion. And again, India might have to yield. Thus, the extent of India-Russia economic ties will have to be commensurate with Russia’s economic ties to the West.
This brings me to the last point: India-US relations. Russia’s foreign minister, Sergey Lavrov, has been a vocal critic of India’s membership of the Quad and its relationship with the US. But if Moscow expects India to play cool with its relationship with China, it needs to lend the same courtesy to the India-US relationship. Perhaps there is a need to reiterate to the Russians the logic of the US-India strategic partnership. The proximity to the West is a product of China’s enmity with India. By no means is it directed at undermining Russia per se. Nevertheless, Russia is an indispensable partner and friend to India. But the consequences of Russia’s actions cannot be left for India to deal with. Russia must act in a manner that relieves India of the disproportionate burden to defend and sustain the bilateral relationship.
The writer is with Takshashila’s Indo-Pacific Studies programme
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