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Opinion Lessons from Davos: Trump is a bully and appeasement policy doesn’t work with him

Trump is hell-bent on undermining the world order to restore America’s past glory. That is unlikely to happen, not because the US has lost its capacity, but because its relative power in the system will diminish further with the rise of the rest

Donald Trump, Davos, World Economic ForumThe reality is that America is the principal beneficiary of the world order that emerged after World War II (AP Photo)
Written by: Rajan Kumar
5 min readJan 22, 2026 09:32 AM IST First published on: Jan 22, 2026 at 09:32 AM IST

The speeches at Davos are usually mundane — laden with lofty declarations, rhetorical grandstanding, and posturing. They rarely make headlines. This event, however, was distinct, as spectators worldwide sought to assess US President Donald Trump’s plans to acquire Greenland and its implications for the trans-Atlantic partnership.

Europe waited with bated breath as Trump delivered his keynote speech at the World Economic Forum. In his quintessential style, Trump bragged about his dubious economic accomplishments, blasted former President Joe Biden for every evil in America, pilloried European leaders, blamed liberal and radical values for the decline of Western civilisation, reminded the world of American generosity, and left Europeans guessing on Greenland. The concession offered to Europe was that America would not use military force to acquire Greenland. But he reiterated his pursuit of acquiring it through negotiations.

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Trump sought to justify the acquisition, stating that Greenland would have become a part of Germany had American soldiers not protected the region from Nazi assault. In exchange for what the US has done for Denmark and Europe over the last seven decades, Trump expects compensation in the form of Greenland. Trump stressed that America has sacrificed so much for Europe’s security and prosperity, yet has received nothing in return. Therefore, it was time for Europe to return the favour by offering the territory of Greenland to America.

In the run-up to Trump’s speech, European and other leaders pushed back on Trump’s unrelenting demands on Greenland. Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney said “the world’s middle powers must unite to resist coercion by aggressive superpowers,” warning that “traditional assumptions about global order no longer hold”. Similarly, French President Emmanuel Macron said, “We do prefer respect to bullies. We do prefer science to plotism, and we do prefer rule of law to brutality”. Immediately after Trump’s speech, the European Parliament announced the suspension of ratification of the EU-US trade deal that the two sides had reached a year earlier. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said, “Nostalgia is part of our human story, but nostalgia will not bring back the old order”. She referred to several trade deals, including a landmark deal that the EU reached with India.

The European pushback has yielded results. After a bilateral meeting with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, Trump announced that the two sides have “formed the framework of a future deal with respect to Greenland”. He further stated that he would no longer impose punitive tariffs on European countries. The details of the negotiation and the deal are not yet available, but it can be safely stated that the danger of American aggression has been postponed for the time being. It also saves NATO from a potential rupture and allows the existing world order to linger for some time longer.

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There are a few lessons from the drama that unfolded at Davos. First, Trump is a bully, and the policy of appeasement does not work with him. He has mastered the art of exploiting vulnerabilities, and pliability is treated as weakness. One needs to stand firm in dealing with him. Second, he carries no moral compunction in using economic and military coercion even against his allies. If he can use it against Denmark, no country is safe from his potential coercion. Third, his coercive diplomacy is often a part of a larger package that ends in a deal. His policy lies somewhere between coercion and concrete action. Fourth, he appreciates European civilisation but abhors liberal values that encourage immigration, green energy, environmental protection, and free trade. Fifth, he is not a leader who values the confidentiality and subtlety of diplomacy: He revealed his private conversations with Macron to the global audience to showcase his strength. He has done that with India, too, in the context of the Indo-Pak ceasefire. Sixth, deals with him are not final because he is prone to reimposing tariffs on any country that rubs him the wrong way. The US-Europe trade deal was finalised a year ago, but he threatened to impose a fresh tariff on Greenland. And finally, in his view, the existing international order is detrimental to America and has benefited other countries at its expense.

The reality is that America is the principal beneficiary of the world order that emerged after World War II. No county in the world has ever acquired so much wealth and power in known history. But Trump is hell-bent on undermining this order to restore America’s past glory. That is unlikely to happen, not because America has lost its capacity, but because its relative power in the system will diminish further with the rise of the rest.

The writer is a professor, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University

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