Opinion Delhi-Moscow ties have a logic of their own
Cooperation on the manufacture of parts and components with transfer of technologies of Russian defence platforms in India contrasts with the continuing ambivalence in some of India’s Western partners regarding the same
Russian President Vladimir Putin, left, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi pose for a photo the talks at the Hyderabad House in New Delhi, India, Friday, Dec. 5, 2025. ( Photo: AP) The 23rd India-Russia summit held on December 4-5 was dominated by the visible personal bonhomie between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin. The 70-paragraph joint statement put the outcomes of the summit within the framework of a resilient and relevant forward-looking strategic partnership between Delhi and Moscow.
Against the backdrop of belligerence between Europe and Russia over the war in Ukraine, Prime Minister Modi, in his brief comments before the delegation-level talks on December 5, reiterated that India was “not neutral, but on the side of peace” in Ukraine. Coincidentally, the Trump administration’s National Security Strategy, published on the day of the summit, set out the US objective to negotiate an end to the Ukraine conflict, and “reestablish strategic stability with Russia”.
For India and Russia, the broader geo-strategic framework of their partnership is the objective of “global peace and stability in a multipolar world as well as in a multipolar Asia”. The summit agreed that this “should be ensured upon the basis of equal and indivisible security”. This directly challenges attempts to carve out spheres of influence in the current international order, and references to a “G2” world order regulated by understandings between the United States and China.
The defence cooperation pillar for the India-Russia partnership continues to stand tall. The joint development of defence platforms has served India’s national interests well. This includes the performance of Russian-origin Indian-manufactured Su-30MKI fighter aircraft and BrahMos missiles during Operation Sindoor. The two sides gave a new thrust for converging their defence cooperation to meet “India’s quest for self-reliance” through joint research and development of advanced defence technology and systems. Russia’s increased participation in the Make in India programme will enhance the employment prospects and skills of Indian workers, as demonstrated by the ongoing AK-203 rifle manufacturing project in India. Russia’s cooperation on manufacturing parts and components and transferring defence technologies to India contrasts with the continuing ambivalence of some of India’s Western partners in this regard.
Despite continued unilateral Western sanctions, President Putin stated Russia’s readiness to “continue ensuring uninterrupted fuel supplies” to India. The two leaders endorsed continuing investments in each other’s energy infrastructure as a strategic objective for meeting India’s energy security needs. Russia continues to be India’s only foreign partner in clean nuclear energy. Negotiations for a free trade area between India and the Eurasian Economic Union launched in August and the increased use of national currencies, which already account for 96 per cent of bilateral trade, are further evidence of an attempt to consolidate economic ties.
The India-Russia partnership, therefore, stands on its own merits. By hosting President Putin, Delhi has demonstrated its interest in making it an integral part of an equitable multipolar order that supports India’s emergence as a major power.
The writer is former deputy ambassador to the Russian Federation
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