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This is an archive article published on February 4, 2025
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Opinion 1971 shapes India-Bangladesh history and future — not August 5

India must continue to flag attacks on minorities but from the highest levels of government, the message to Bangladesh must be clear: India is not pro or anti any dispensation

bangladesh, indian expressActivists during a protest march against former Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her government in Dhaka on August 2. (Source: File photo)
6 min readFeb 4, 2025 10:13 PM IST First published on: Feb 4, 2025 at 07:01 AM IST

Tomorrow, we will mark six months since the shocking ouster of Sheikh Hasina, the longest-serving premier of Bangladesh. Clearly, the government was caught off guard; our intelligence failed to anticipate, let alone read, the political undercurrents. Today, Hasina has a home in India, as she should, and New Delhi has been cautious in its public stance, as it must. But to engage with a changing Dhaka and prepare for the future, understanding its past is imperative.

This will help put today’s regime under Muhammad Yunus in perspective as it demands Hasina’s extradition. More is at stake than bilateral relations. The instability in Bangladesh will have spillover effects in India. The domestic political debate around “illegal immigrants” (read Bangladeshis) could threaten social harmony, and a Bangladesh in turmoil keeps tensions simmering in the Northeast, particularly in Manipur, which has been on edge for a while. The violence faced by Bangladeshi Hindus is a matter of concern and must be addressed.

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Yet, it must also be recognised that a key factor behind the current situation is the “authoritarian and arrogant” style that characterised Hasina’s leadership. It must also be acknowledged that the Yunus regime, from the evidence so far, does not appear capable of stabilising the country. Consequently, forces inimical to a free and secular Bangladesh have found a fresh lease on life. The deteriorating communal situation and anxiety among the minority Hindu population are largely products of present-day political circumstances rather than the socio-cultural ethos of Bangladesh.

This is a crucial point that requires emphasis. India is not only a part of Bangladesh’s history but has also shaped it. The emergence of Bangladesh as an independent nation is a unique story in the Islamic world. East and West Pakistan, despite sharing a religion, had little in common. After Bangladesh’s liberation, the Radcliffe Line, originally drawn in 1947 to partition the Indian Subcontinent on religious lines, became the 4,000-km border between India and Bangladesh, over 2,200 km of which is shared with West Bengal. Bangladesh and West Bengal have a deep historical and cultural bond. That the national poet of Bangladesh, Kazi Nazrul Islam, was from West Bengal, and its national anthem was penned by Rabindranath Tagore, are of immense significance. The values of humanism espoused by both are integral to Bangladesh’s ethos.

This historical connection is why the India-Bangladesh border has remained porous since 1947. Even today, one can have breakfast in Bangladesh, cross into India for lunch, and return to Bangladesh for dinner. Having grown up in the border district of Murshidabad, I have experienced this firsthand. The city of Rajshahi in Bangladesh is visible from my district. My public life has been intertwined with the sense of connection between the people of West Bengal and the movement that led to Bangladesh’s liberation in 1971. That war of independence was not about religion but about preserving and protecting heritage. West Pakistan’s dominance over East Pakistan resembled the German idea of Lebensraum, where expansionism, rather than the well-being of the eastern populace, was the primary concern. The imposition of Urdu on millions of Bengali-speaking people led to the Bengali language movement, and the allocation of meagre resources to the East spurred widespread anger. Key milestones leading to the 1971 war must be recalled: The failure to provide relief to millions affected by Cyclone Bhola; Operation Searchlight, the Pakistan military’s genocidal crackdown ordered by Yahya Khan; and the exodus of millions of refugees to India.

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I vividly recall the outpouring of empathy from Indians, particularly Bengalis, for Bangladeshi Bengalis fighting the oppressors and fleeing to India in droves. This galvanised the nation and was instrumental in India’s decision to go to war against Pakistan in support of Bangladesh’s independence.

After the historic victory in the 13-day war under the courageous leadership of Indira Gandhi, the warmth in India-Bangladesh relations did not last long. However, despite ups and downs, there have been significant achievements. The Tin Bigha Corridor agreement enabled Bangladesh to access its Dahagram-Angarpota enclave from the mainland, and the Ganga River water-sharing agreement was possible due to the positive cultural and historical ties between the two nations. This is no small feat, considering that 54 rivers crisscross the two countries.

I visited Bangladesh as a delegate representing India at the BIMSTEC conference and later as Minister of State for Railways with President Pranab Mukherjee in 2013. During that visit, India gifted two diesel rail engines to Bangladesh. The Bangladeshi media referred to Mukherjee as “India’s first Bengali President” and a “son-in-law” of Bangladesh, given that his wife came from Narail district. Such instances highlight the people-to-people connections that endure.

On the economic and security fronts, Bangladesh and India have made notable progress. Bangladesh is India’s largest trade partner in the Subcontinent. The power and energy sectors have seen significant cooperation, and many Bangladeshis travel to India for tourism and medical treatment.

Despite the recent turmoil, the deep bonds between Bangladesh and India will shape their future. The same forces that shaped history will help restore positive bilateral relations. For this, patience, strategy and sharp diplomacy are required.

While India must take a firm stance on Sheikh Hasina, it must also allow the internal contradictions of the new regime to play out. The Awami League was seen as “pro-India”, but there is no need to be defensive about that. The reality is that on the streets of Bangladesh, most people are naturally “pro-India”.

India must continue to flag attacks on minorities but from the highest levels of government, the message to Bangladesh must be clear: India is not pro or anti any dispensation. It cares for all lives, all faiths, all creeds; India values due process and democracy, and will engage with any government chosen by the Bangladeshi people through free and fair elections. The spirit of 1971 defines our relationship and will continue to shape it. The events of August 5 cannot, and should not, be allowed to change that. That’s in the national interest of both countries.

The writer was Lok Sabha MP for five consecutive terms and former Minister of State for Railways

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