Stalin’s poll bonanza: Rs 5,000 in accounts of 1.31 crore women
A total of Rs 6,550 crore was credited into the accounts of 1.31 crore women by 6 am. The announcement followed later.
Stalin framed the transfer as both economic and symbolic. (PTI Photo) At 6 am, before most people in Tamil Nadu had boiled their first tea, Rs 5,000 landed in the bank accounts of 1.31 crore women. Only later did an announcement come.
In a tightly sequenced move that left little room for bureaucratic interruption or political challenge, the state government, led by Chief Minister M K Stalin, credited a total of Rs 6,550 crore into beneficiary accounts under the Kalaignar Magalir Urimai Thogai scheme — Rs 3,000 covering three months’ assistance (Rs 1,000 each for February, March and April), and an additional Rs 2,000 as a special summer package. By the time opponents could react, the money was already there.
“This urimai thogai (rights grant) was an assurance made by Stalin to the women of Tamil Nadu. Whoever creates obstacles, I will not step back,” Stalin said after the transfers were completed.
The sequence mattered. In recent weeks, there had been murmurs and reports that attempts might be made to halt the scheme for three months, citing the Model Code of Conduct ahead of Assembly elections expected in April or May. Stalin addressed this directly.
“Citing the election as a reason, they are attempting to block the rights assistance for three months. Our Dravidian Model government has moved ahead of them,” he wrote in a social media post. The announcement came only after the credit had been made. Politically, it was the equivalent of scoring before the field was set.
On Tamil social media, supporters called it “the match starting with a sixer by Stalin”. One said, “By the time the Opposition woke up, the match had already started.” Party handles circulated graphics of “Dravidian Model 2.0” and screenshots of bank alerts.
Economic and symbolic
Launched in September 2023, the Kalaignar Magalir Urimai Thogai initially covered 1.13 crore women heads of families, each receiving Rs 1,000 a month. It has since expanded to 1.31 crore beneficiaries — nearly one in four people in the state. According to the government, it was launched in “recognition of the triple burden of women who invest unquantified time and effort in unpaid care work and in productive economic work”.
Stalin said, “This is not merely financial assistance. It is a rights assistance given in recognition of the contribution women make to society.”
He framed the transfer as both economic and symbolic: “With this amount, women themselves have been able to meet many essential expenses — daily household expenses, medical expenses arising within the family, educational expenses for children.”
He mentioned the fiscal scepticism that trailed the scheme when first announced. “Before we came to power, I had announced that a monthly rights assistance of Rs 1,000 would be provided. At that time, some said, ‘This is not possible at all.’”
In what was effectively a campaign plank, he promised that if re-elected, the monthly grant would be doubled. “In the next Dravidian Model 2.0 government, your rights assistance will be increased to Rs 2,000. This is the promise given by Muthuvel Karunanidhi Stalin, who does what he says.”
The timing, February 13, was not incidental. In the political calendar, it precedes the likely enforcement of election codes. By clubbing three months’ instalments into a single disbursement, the government insulated the scheme from potential legal or administrative interruption.
“There is information that some are attempting to move court,” Stalin said in his address. “As someone from your family, I am aware of what hardships you would undergo if the grant is suspended for three months.”
Within the ruling DMK, the move is being described as both protective and expansive.
Party insiders say the transfer is expected to generate “very positive feedback”, mobilise women voters between 30 and 70 years of age, and strengthen rural vote banks. It is also seen as a counterweight to anti-incumbency sentiment in pockets of the state. DMK strategists believe that there will be a positive opinion about DMK in every family.
The scheme’s reach is vast: 1.31 crore women implies nearly that many households directly touched. In electoral arithmetic, that translates into influence across constituencies. It also serves another purpose — curbing the drift of women voters toward emerging political formations, including actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), which has drawn younger and first-time voters to rallies in recent months.
The early-morning execution, before Opposition parties could frame it as electoral opportunism, is part of the strategy.
The move echoes precedents set elsewhere. In Maharashtra, ahead of the 2024 Assembly elections, the Eknath Shinde-led government launched the Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana, providing Rs 1,500 monthly to over 10 million eligible women. Budgeted at Rs 46,000 crore, the scheme was widely credited with bolstering the ruling Mahayuti alliance’s electoral performance. An attempt to provide advance payments of Rs 3,000 ahead of civic polls was later blocked by the Election Commission.
In Bihar, before the Assembly elections in September 2025, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s government, in the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, rolled out the Mukhyamantri Mahila Rozgar Yojana. It transferred Rs 10,000 each to 75 lakh women for self-employment initiatives, amounting to Rs 7,500 crore in total outlay, with further tranches promised.
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