How far can UGC’s new anti-discrimination rules go to address caste on campus? Academics weigh in

Since then, the rules have triggered sharp political reactions: student unions have split, BJP office-bearers in Uttar Pradesh have resigned in protest, and fears of misuse have dominated public debate.

At the heart of the controversy lies a deeper question: how is caste discrimination observed and documented on campus? As a problem of behaviour, a problem of institutions, or a problem of society itself? The Indian Express speaks to academicians to understand this.

What kind of discrimination is observed on Indian campuses?

Official regulations and inquiry reports have historically focused on visible acts of discrimination like harassment, ragging, verbal abuse, or hostile behaviour by teachers and peers.

But many scholars argue that caste operates far more subtly. Speaking to The Indian Express, Latika Gupta, Assistant Professor, Department of Education at Delhi University, locates the problem in the schooling divide students bring with them into higher education.

“Upper-class students usually perform better because their command over written and spoken English is stronger. They come from private schools,A large number of students in reserved categories come from government and state schools. Their language, articulation and thinking ability are slightly weaker. Over time, this gap is misread as caste,” she said.

“Performance is related to caste. These are the largest structural issues which reproduce caste inequality in university spaces,” she added.

Discrimination, she argued, is rarely only about abuse. “Ragging, harassment, name-calling — that is a very small part of it. The system reproduces inequality much more deeply,” Gupta added.

Are these regulations addressing behaviour or the system itself?

The UGC regulations focus primarily on grievance redressal: identifying discriminatory conduct and disciplining individuals. Many argue this treats caste as a behavioural problem, not an institutional one.

Gupta calls this the central flaw. “Equity cannot be achieved through general guidelines,” she said. “You cannot achieve equity by treating it as only a behavioural issue. The system is not geared to teach advanced knowledge to students from deprived backgrounds.”

Satish Deshpande, a former Professor of Sociology at the Delhi School of Economics, University of Delhi who also worked at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), the Institute of Economic Growth, and the University of Hyderabad previously, agrees that discrimination is deeply embedded, but sees value in even naming it.

“The worst form of oppression is when you are not even allowed to say you are oppressed,” he said. “For a long time, discrimination was suppressed and could not even be acknowledged. This law makes it difficult to pretend that it does not exist,” Pande said.

For Furqan Qamar, former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Rajasthan and the Central University of Himachal Pradesh who was also the former Advisor (Education) to the Planning Commission of India, the problem is not only structural but also social.

“The eruption of protest has brought to surface the deep distrust and sense of insecurity between and among various social groups. No one can deny the urgency of promoting social harmony. But we must win the trust of all stakeholders to assure that there would be justice to all,” Furqan added.

Will new committees work, when older ones failed?

Universities already have multiple committees — anti-ragging cells, grievance redressal bodies, sexual harassment committees — many of which have been criticised as ineffective or symbolic.

“Committee on equity may be proposed for the first time, but universities already have many committees. Most have been largely ineffective, I am more concerned about the efficacy of these new regulations,” Qamar said

Gupta points to the deeper institutional apathy behind this failure. “When we know that many ST students come from deprived families, why are their scholarships not disbursed on time? If the system itself is not sensitive, then there cannot be any equity in the system,” she added.

Deshpande accepts that committees cannot transform institutions overnight. “There will be endless problems with implementation, no doubt, But laws describe an ideal. They create a horizon to work towards.” he said.

Does grouping caste, EWS and disability dilute caste discrimination?

One of the most contested aspects of the regulations is their decision to place SC, ST, OBC, EWS and persons with disabilities under a single equity framework.

Gupta calls this a serious conceptual error. “Equating physical disability with caste and equating poverty-based challenges with caste is sociologically and politically flawed,The challenges that poverty brings are very different from the permanent declaration of your social potential because of caste,” she said.

She warned that this dilutes caste itself. “It is not only dilution. It is a gross violation of the legal sensitivity we have developed to protect people from caste discrimination.”

Meanwhile, Deshpande called it “pragmatic” and said, “In the legal sense, you have to include everybody who can possibly suffer from discrimination. The real question is what will happen in practice.”

Will the rules be misused or selectively applied?

Much of the backlash has focused on the fear of misuse and selective targeting. Qamar echoes this conerns. “University administrations have become rather repressive in their approach to student and faculty grievances,This regulation too could potentially be misused or selectively applied,” he said

Deshpande sees this fear as structurally predictable and said, “Whenever a law is brought for a weaker section, the first cry is misuse. This happened with the Atrocities Act, with reservation, with every empowering law.”

He argued that backlash often reflects threatened privilege. “What was earlier accepted and normalised is now being made unacceptable. Much of the protest is about entitlement being violated,” Deshpande added.

So, will these rules reduce caste discrimination?

For Gupta, the answer remains bleak. “I don’t find any benefit in this. It dilutes the whole issue. There cannot be an injection-like solution. Caste is constitutive. It shapes identity very early in life.” she said

She argues universities need deep curricular reform, academic support systems, and institutional sensitivity, not only grievance committees.

Qamar, too, is cautious. “The regulations are fine, but they may remain on paper or become a mere formality, Any system is only as good as the people who are at the helm,” he said.

For Deshpande, however, the regulations are a necessary beginning. “Any form of discrimination ends only when there is resistance, not because of some law. But laws are important as a symbolic thing,” he added.