After Delhi protest, what comes next for Omar Abdullah and his J&K statehood demand

The election manifesto

The NC entered the 2024 Assembly election with an ambitious promise: that it will strive for the restoration of Article 370, Article 35A, and statehood “as prior to August 5, 2019”. The party went even further and said that it will strive for full implementation of the autonomy resolution passed by the erstwhile state Assembly in 2000.

While the NC understood the enormity of the challenge to fulfil its promises, the party manifesto started with an Urdu couplet: Azm-e-rasikh, Shauq-e-kamil, Sa’i-e-paiham ki kasam, Yeh Khayal-e-khaam hai tera ki manzil dour hai (I swear by unwavering resolve, complete passion, and relentless effort, It is a mistaken belief to think that the destination is far away).

While the election manifesto promised to strive for restoration of a state that existed before abrogation of special status — implicitly including Ladakh — Abdullah, on several occasions came on record to say that statehood is not their fight.

From special status to statehood

After the NC was voted to power with a landslide victory, it recalibrated its priorities from special status to the restoration of statehood for Jammu and Kashmir without seeking return of Ladakh. In its very first Cabinet meeting, the NC-led government adopted a resolution for restoration of statehood only.

In the Assembly, the NC blocked the resolution on special status moved by the Peoples Democratic Party and the Peoples Conference. Instead, it introduced a more cautiously worded resolution reaffirming the importance of the special status and constitutional guarantees while expressing concern over unilateral removal.

The resolution urged the Centre to “initiate dialogue with elected representatives of the people of Jammu and Kashmir for restoration of special status, constitutional guarantees and to work out constitutional mechanisms for restoring these provisions”. It was passed hastily without a discussion in the House.

Political pressure

For nearly two years, the Omar Abdullah-led government largely avoided direct confrontation with the Centre or its representative in Jammu and Kashmir, Lt Governor Manoj Sinha, believing that a cooperative approach would improve the prospects of securing the restoration of statehood. But even as Abdullah adopted a conciliatory approach, Lok Bhavan (earlier Raj Bhavan, as the Governor’s residence was called) consistently encroached into the authority of the elected government. The NC government also failed to get the Transaction of Business Rules notified, leaving several aspects of governance undefined and open to encroachment from the Lok Bhavan.

J&K Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha and Chief Minister Omar Abdullah in Gulmarg on February 23, 2026. Photo: Shuaib Masoodi

As time passed, discontent began to grow within the NC. Several legislators began to privately admit that bureaucracy has grown more powerful than the legislature. The party’s political rivals intensified their attacks, accusing the government of failing to fulfil even the basic promises like free electricity, free gas cylinders, and rationalisation of reservation.

The criticism was not confined to opposition. The NC’s own MP, Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi, openly targeted Abdullah and his government for ignoring its mandate and following the BJP’s agenda.

The Jantar Mantar protest

Left with limited options, Abdullah took the first major step towards confronting the Centre by announcing a sit-in in New Delhi along with his party MPs and MLAs. In an effort to broaden the campaign, he even invited his political rivals in Jammu and Kashmir as well as his alliance partners of the INDIA bloc for the sit-in.

The NC hoped that the protest in New Delhi would bring greater public attention, wider media coverage, and support from many political parties that had expressed their support for statehood. The protest, however, coincided and was eclipsed by the students’ “Sansad Chalo” march. It also failed to draw the expected political backing from other INDIA bloc partners, leaving the NC to plead the case on its own.

What lies ahead for Omar Abdullah

Abdullah finds himself back at the drawing board. With a very few options at his disposal, each path ahead carries its own set of challenges and political consequences.

The Chief Minister can abandon the confrontational approach and return to engaging the Centre through dialogue and to try to convince them. But his conciliatory approach — dubbed as “good boy behaviour” by the Opposition — has failed to yield anything so far.

Another option before him is to rely on peoples’ power by mobilising public support and intensifying the campaign for the restoration of statehood in and outside Jammu and Kashmir.

Back in Jammu and Kashmir, Abdullah can also reach out to non-BJP parties to create a broader consensus for their demands. For this, he may need to accommodate the demands of other political parties, which include the restoration of Article 370 and other special constitutional guarantees. This may not go well with the Centre.

The NC finds itself caught between two political realities. While it can argue that restoring statehood is the most achievable and immediate objective, many of its supporters expect a broader campaign for the restoration of special status. After the lukewarm response to its Delhi protest, the party has to now decide whether to persist with its incremental strategy, broaden its political agenda, or find new ways to build consensus around its demands.