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When Jarange-Patil announced an indefinite hunger strike at his native village of Antarwali Sarati, both ruling and Opposition leaders were left wondering about its timing. (File Photo)
Rail and road traffic in Mumbai had nearly come to a standstill last August when supporters of Maratha quota activist Manoj Jarange-Patil thronged the city as he launched a hunger strike at Azad Maidan demanding reservation for the Maratha community.
This time, however, the script was different. The Mahayuti government managed to persuade Jarange-Patil to call off his ninth hunger strike within 15 hours of its launch.
Unlike in the past, when Jarange-Patil openly targeted Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, he was noticeably restrained in his criticism. “Fadnavis has a great opportunity to win the hearts of Marathas. As far as our stand is concerned, we may accept him at times and may not at others. That is not the point,” he had said on May 30 while beginning his fast.
The shift in tone is being viewed by many political observers as a reflection of the BJP’s growing ability to neutralise opponents, both within the ruling Mahayuti alliance and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA).
Questions over timing
When Jarange-Patil announced an indefinite hunger strike at his native village of Antarwali Sarati, both ruling and Opposition leaders were left wondering about its timing.
At least three members of the Maratha Kranti Morcha, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the agitation lacked preparation and a clear agenda. “The timing of the protest was wrong. There was no groundwork and no specific issue around which people could be mobilised,” one activist said.
Most of the demands cited by Jarange-Patil had already been accepted in principle by the state government last year. The only unresolved issue remained the implementation of the Satara Gazette.
The Satara Gazette
Officially, the sub-committee on Maratha reservation, headed by senior BJP minister Radhakrishna Vikhe-Patil, has conveyed to Jarange-Patil that the government cannot implement the Satara Gazette without first examining its legal implications. The committee has assured him that the state will seek the opinion of the Advocate General before taking any decision.
A senior delegate who was part of the discussions said that the government’s cautious approach stemmed from ongoing legal challenges to the Hyderabad Gazette. “Last year, the government implemented the Hyderabad Gazette. However, that decision was challenged through a series of public interest litigations. The saving grace is that the Bombay High Court has not stayed its implementation,” the delegate said.
According to him, the government’s position is that unless there is legal clarity on the Hyderabad Gazette, it would be unwise to proceed hastily with the Satara Gazette.
“Any attempt to push through the Satara Gazette without proper legal scrutiny could backfire if it fails judicial review,” he added.
The only tangible outcome of the day-long fast was the renewed emphasis on expediting caste validity certificates for eligible Marathas, enabling them to secure admissions in educational institutions and apply for government jobs.
The response on the ground was also muted. Across rural Maharashtra, where agriculture remains the primary occupation, households are preoccupied with preparations for the kharif season. Farmers are also grappling with uncertainties over fuel and fertiliser availability.
BJP’s reading
BJP MLC Prasad Lad attributed the standoff to a communication gap. “These issues arise because of miscommunication. Once we reached out to Jarange-Patil, gave him a hearing, and explained the government’s position, the matter was resolved. The fast ended on a positive note,” Lad said.
He added that Jarange-Patil’s commitment to the Maratha cause was not in doubt, but argued that the most significant welfare measures for the community had been taken during governments led by Fadnavis.
The Mahayuti government led by CM Devendra Fadnavis had given 12 and 13 per cent reservation to Marathas under the Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBC) category in 2018. In May 2021, the Supreme Court struck down the quota, directing the government to satisfy the “triple test” by collecting empirical data and establishing the community’s social and educational backwardness. At the time, the Uddhav Thackeray-led Maha Vikas Aghadi was in power.
Subsequently, the Eknath Shinde-led Mahayuti government fulfilled those requirements and enacted a law providing 10% reservation for Marathas.
Jarange-Patil, however, rejected the arrangement. Instead, he demanded that Marathas be issued Kunbi certificates, enabling them to avail of a reservation under the Other Backward Classes (OBC) category.
Following a series of protests, the government agreed to implement provisions linked to the Hyderabad Gazette. It also promised to examine the Satara, Aundh, and Bombay Gazettes before taking a decision.
The Hyderabad Gazette was issued in 1918 by the Nizam’s administration. It contains detailed records of the region’s population, caste groups, occupations, and agricultural practices.
Based on these records, Marathas in Marathwada can establish their Kunbi lineage and become eligible for OBC reservation benefits. Kunbis, a traditionally agrarian community, are included in Maharashtra’s OBC list. Similar historical records exist in the Satara, Aundh, and Bombay Gazettes covering other regions of Maharashtra.
OBC concerns
Rashtriya OBC Mahasangh chief Babanrao Taywade said his organisation was not opposed to eligible Marathas obtaining Kunbi certificates. “As per the law, those who are eligible have every right to seek Kunbi certificates. Our objection is only to any blanket extension of OBC benefits to all Marathas,” he said.
Most OBC leaders, both within the Cabinet and across political parties, have consistently argued that Marathas should be accommodated through a separate reservation category. Their concern is that large-scale inclusion of Marathas within the OBC fold could intensify competition for opportunities among the state’s more than 270 OBC communities.
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