Speculation on Capt Amarinder’s return to Congress nothing more than kite flying: Partap Singh Bajwa

Q: You have expressed concerns about the India-US Free Trade Agreement (FTA) potentially leading to cheap imports, MSP collapse, and corporate control over agriculture. How should the Indian government protect small farmers while pursuing trade deals in the national interest?

Bajwa: Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi has explained this very well in Parliament and told the nation that this deal was done with a chokehold on the Prime Minister. He has correctly argued that trade negotiations must be conducted from a position of national strength, not under pressure.

Agriculture in developed economies is heavily subsidised and corporatised; in India, it is a livelihood for millions of small farmers. That asymmetry must shape our negotiating strategy. Since the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade] era and later under the WTO [World Trade Organization] framework, India has maintained a calibrated approach, integrating with global markets while protecting food security and farmer incomes.

Dr Manmohan Singh demonstrated this balance; he liberalised India’s economy in 1991, but insulated agriculture from sudden exposure, and as Prime Minister, he ensured at the 2013 Bali WTO talks that India’s MSP and public stockholding were protected through the peace clause.

An Indo-US FTA must follow that template. The United States provides tens of billions of dollars in annual farm subsidies, making its agricultural exports artificially competitive. Opening Indian markets without safeguards would depress domestic prices and weaken MSP. India should insist on strong safeguard mechanisms allowing tariff hikes if import surges threaten domestic farmers. Intellectual property rules must not undermine seed sovereignty or farmers’ traditional right to save seeds. Trade must expand opportunity for Indian farmers, not reduce them to price-takers in a global system dominated by subsidised producers.

Q: Punjab and Haryana farmers are facing high debt levels—around Rs 2 lakh per household on average. What specific policies would you advocate for debt relief and income support for farmers?

Bajwa: The average farm household debt in Punjab and Haryana is not simply a credit issue; it is an income crisis. High input costs, water stress, and limited crop diversification have made farming financially fragile. A credible response requires structural reform rather than periodic loan waivers.

First, institutional credit must replace dependence on private lenders through expanded low-interest farm lending and cooperative banking reforms. Second, a targeted one-time debt restructuring for small and marginal farmers is necessary to break the current debt cycle.

But relief alone is insufficient; incomes must rise. Punjab’s future lies in diversification and value addition. Israel transformed desert agriculture into high-value export farming through technology and water efficiency; the Netherlands became the world’s second-largest agri-exporter through logistics and processing. Punjab can similarly shift toward high-value crops, food processing, and export-oriented agriculture with guaranteed procurement or price support during transition.

Direct income support tied to sustainability and diversification can stabilise farmer earnings. Farming must become profitable and aspirational again for rural youth.

Q: You have pointed out that global companies like ADM, Bunge, Cargill, and Louis Dreyfus control much of the grain trade. What safeguards are needed in an agrarian economy like that of Punjab?

Bajwa: India should enter global trade as a strong, organised agricultural economy, not as a fragmented one that can be dominated by larger players. Globally, the grain trade is dominated by four multinational giants—ADM, Bunge, Cargill, and Louis Dreyfus. Their scale gives them immense control over pricing, storage, logistics, and market intelligence.

While foreign investment and modern supply chains can benefit India, excessive concentration risks shifting economic control away from farmers. Latin American countries provide cautionary examples where corporate concentration in seeds, storage, and exports has reduced farmers’ bargaining power.

India must prevent such over-concentration. Competition law and regulatory oversight should ensure no single corporate group dominates procurement, storage, or digital farm data. Public infrastructure, i.e., mandis, warehousing, and FCI [Food Corporation of India] procurement must remain strong so farmers have multiple selling channels. Digital agriculture platforms must ensure data ownership remains with farmers and public institutions rather than being monopolised by private firms. Modernisation is necessary, but ownership and price power must remain with farmers.

Q: The Congress has criticised the AAP government for auctioning public land to raise revenue. What alternative strategies do you propose to boost Punjab’s economy without selling assets?

Bajwa: Selling public land to bridge fiscal gaps is the economic equivalent of selling family silver; it offers temporary relief but weakens long-term strength. Punjab requires a growth strategy rooted in productivity and investment. The state can become North India’s food processing and logistics hub, leveraging its agricultural base and strategic location. Agro-processing clusters, cold chains, and export-oriented food parks can generate employment and revenue.

Renewable energy offers another opportunity. Punjab’s vast agricultural land and biomass potential can support solar and bio-energy projects that provide additional farmer income and state revenue. Religious and heritage tourism centred around Amritsar and Anandpur Sahib can generate significant economic activity if supported by infrastructure and global promotion. Economic revival must be built on creating value, not disposing of assets.

Q: You often say Punjab could serve as India’s gateway to Central Asia and Europe via the Wagah border. How can trade corridors remain open for Punjab when there is tension between India and Pakistan?

Bajwa: Geopolitical tensions currently limit Punjab’s natural advantage as India’s land gateway to Central Asia. Closed borders and security concerns restrict overland trade, yet Tim Marshall’s Prisoners of Geography reminds us that politics may obstruct geography temporarily, but it cannot erase it.

History shows that economic cooperation can outlast political hostility. After the devastation of World War II, European nations that had fought bitter conflicts chose economic integration over continued confrontation. The creation of the European Coal and Steel Community, and later, the European Union, transformed old battle lines into trade corridors. Former adversaries built shared markets and supply chains, proving that economic interdependence can gradually stabilise even deeply divided regions.

The practical lesson is that economics can lead politics. Structured proposals such as restricted commodity corridors, monitored transit routes, and integrated logistics zones can demonstrate how regional connectivity generates employment, transit revenues, and industrial growth across borders. Economic incentives often succeed where political dialogue alone struggles.

India’s global ambitions require economic imagination rooted in geographic reality. By using trade as a stabilising tool and learning from historical examples of post-conflict economic integration, Punjab can evolve from a sensitive border state into India’s northern trade engine—linking producers to Central Asian and European markets and restoring its historic role as a gateway of commerce.

Q: There is a growing perception that in the run-up to the 2027 polls that the Congress is once again a divided house and may meet the same fate as in 2022, as leaders are more keen on being announced as CM candidate than bringing the party to power. Your comments.

Bajwa: Let me state this very clearly: the Congress in Punjab is united and focused on the larger goal of serving the people of the state. In a large democratic party like Congress, it is natural for workers and supporters to express their preferences. But leadership decisions are always taken collectively by the high command and elected representatives at the appropriate time.

Our focus today is not on posts, but on policies and people. Unfortunately, a perception is being deliberately created that Congress is divided. This narrative is being actively fanned by the AAP’s media machinery to divert attention from their own governance failures. Instead of answering questions on Punjab’s deteriorating law and order, rising debt, unemployment, drug menace, and unfulfilled promises, they are trying to shift the debate to internal discussions within Congress.

For us, Punjab comes first. Bringing Congress back to power to restore governance, revive the economy, support farmers and youth, and ensure social harmony is our only objective. Individual ambitions are secondary to the larger mission of Punjab’s progress and stability.

Q: There are rumours that Capt Amarinder Singh may return to Congress. He recently said he missed the decision-making structure of Congress. How would you react to his return?

Bajwa: At this stage, such reports appear to be nothing more than kite flying. In the run-up to elections, political discourse often sees speculative narratives being floated. The Congress party’s focus is on reconnecting with people at the grassroots and addressing real public issues.