Punjab caste census: All eyes on AAP’s survey as conversion row grips state

During a recent visit to Punjab, Union Home Minister Amit Shah also made a pointed reference to the raging debate over religious conversions, calling for strict measures to check what he termed “forced conversions”. Shah promised that if the BJP formed a government in the state, it would bring an anti-conversion law.

The AAP government has so far resisted the demand, with party leaders arguing that existing laws are sufficient and that the issue is being used to communally polarise the state. According to the Census 2011, Christians make up just 1.26 per cent of Punjab’s population, around 3.5 lakh people, a figure that complicates claims of large-scale demographic change.

Shah’s promise, however, drew sharp reactions. Congress leader Raj Kumar Verka questioned the intent, asking why the Centre did not bring a national law if the concern was genuine. Mann accused the BJP of using religion for electoral gain, calling it “the only party that seeks votes in the name of religion”.

Controversy gains ground

The conversion debate in Punjab is not new, but it has acquired fresh intensity over the past year. Reports of Dalit families, particularly from the Valmiki and Mazhabi Sikh communities, embracing Christianity have triggered a political storm, with Hindu and Sikh organisations alleging inducements and coercion.

“It is usually the poor and SCs who get converted. It is quite natural. They feel marginalised in society. They do not get equal rights in gurdwaras and cremation grounds. They convert. It was former chief minister Parkash Singh Badal, who worked on the principle of inclusivity for SCs. They became the Akalis’ vote bank after 2012. The SAD-BJP’s repeat in 2012 was fuelled by these converts,” said Jagrup Singh Sekhon, head, political science department, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar.

AAP, which swept to power in 2022 with significant support from SC voters, is keen to determine the exact size of this crucial electorate, which forms a huge chunk of the state’s voters. AAP won in over 85 per cent of the reserved constituencies, winning 29 out of 34 seats, indicating the trust reposed in a party that promised change.

The caste census, in this context, assumes significance beyond mere data collection. It could offer the government a clearer picture of the community’s socio-economic aspirations, religious affiliations, and, most crucially, its political mood, with Assembly elections around the corner.

‘Converting for financial help, inclusivity’

As Sekhon puts it, “Conversion is an issue, but I do not think lakhs have converted. My study says that only a few thousand have converted. The number is not very large. The conversions are related to poverty. There is noise about conversions, as a new convert is usually very enthusiastic. Then their visibility is higher. It is a fact that they are converting mainly to get financial help and inclusivity. It is also a fact that they are converting, but not under pressure; no one is prevailing upon them. I had done a study in the border areas in 2008-2009. At that time, also, conversions were taking place.”

He said that Christians and their institutions played a huge role during the COVID-19 pandemic and stepped out to help the poor. They were a support system for the government when the system was dysfunctional, he added.

Sekhon pointed out that there are several constituencies in Majha, like Ajnala, Dera Baba Nanak, Kahnuwan and Fatehgarh Churian, where Christians comprise 50 per cent of the population. “Similar is the case in some parts of Ludhiana and Jalandhar. These areas have a concentration of Christians. However, they vote en bloc only in Majha and not in any other region. For now, they are a transitional vote bank,” he added.

Professor Manjit Singh, sociology department, Panjab University in Chandigarh, said, “It remains to be seen how accurate the census would be. Some SCs may not reveal their faith as several schemes give benefits to the so-called lower castes.”