Punjab’s 50% quota delivers representation, but ‘sarpanch patis’ limit real power

But in its early years, the policy also drew scrutiny over the persistence of the “proxy” phenomenon, or the practice of “sarpanch pati” or “panchayat pati,” where women elected to panchayat seats often served as figureheads while real power was exercised by their male relatives.

To address this, the rural development and panchayats department, then headed by Tripat Rajinder Singh Bajwa, issued directions to curb the practice, mandating that elected women attend meetings themselves and directing officials to enforce compliance.

“I had passed those orders. But things have not changed the way we wanted. Many women are still proxy sarpanches. They keep sending their male relatives to meetings. They are never out in the field. We see this practice all the time,” Bajwa said.

On the ground, the reality remains mixed.

Husbands still continue to act as intermediaries in many instances. When reached out for comments by the Indian Express, several woman sarpanches were unavailable, with calls answered by their spouses instead. Baljeet Singh, husband of Sukhjeet Kaur, sarpanch of Ghall Kalan in Moga, said: “You tell me the work you want us to do, I will ensure that. How does it matter who answers the phone. What matters is that we are available”.

Others describe a collaborative, but an unequal, arrangement. Manjit Kaur, sarpanch of Aligarh village in Jagraon, said: “Before me, my husband was the sarpanch. Now, we both work. I learnt all the work from him. Now, we both are out helping people. Sometimes he goes to attend the meetings and sometimes I go. You know women have a lot to handle otherwise too.”

Recently, AAP MP Raghav Chadha raised the issue in the Rajya Sabha. “How many of you have heard the terms ‘sarpanch pati’ or ‘panchayat pati’? A panchayat seat reserved for women ends up being contested by the wife, daughter, sister or daughter-in-law of a male politician, while real authority continues to be exercised by him. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment mandated 33% reservation for women in panchayati raj institutions so that women’s voices are part of local governance. But when an elected woman representative is only the face while authority is exercised by a male relative, it creates a parallel unelected authority. A form of proxy governance the Constitution never intended,” he said.

Harjeevan Kaur, a Zila Parishad member from Alamgir in Ludhiana, agrees. “I feel this (50% quota) was a good step in empowering women. I came out of my house,” she said. “But when I go to meet the officers to get the people’s work done, I feel I am not taken seriously. If I take my husband along, things work better. This is the mindset. Sometimes, I do not feel like going as I know I will not be taken seriously.”

Even among beneficiaries of the policy, there is recognition that the transition is incomplete. Pallavi Thakur, once Punjab’s youngest sarpanch after being elected in 2018 from Hara village in Pathankot, chose not to contest the 2025 panchayat elections after her seat was no longer reserved.

“I benefited from this reservation. There is no denying the fact. We see many grassroots women benefitting. But the mission is not accomplished completely,” she said. “There are many who continue to be the rubber stamps with their menfolk handling the duties of a sarpanch.”

Recalling her tenure, she added: “I used to see many men appear in meetings at Block Development and Panchayats Officer’s (BDPO) meetings. What left me frustrated was that the officials did not object to this practice. They would just go along. Maybe it requires another push.”

Thakur now plans to contest Assembly elections. “This is my mission now,” she said.

Despite these challenges, officials and researchers point to clear gains. Women representatives are increasingly raising issues such as drinking water, sanitation, health services, education and welfare schemes, and in many villages are directly overseeing development work.

Pramod Kumar, chairperson of the Institute of Development and Communication, said the policy has reshaped participation at the grassroots. “If you go into the field, you see women taking their own decisions. They are confident. We are now seeing a new phenomenon during elections. Women vote at their own will. They are not influenced by their menfolk. Earlier, families used to vote en bloc. Now, they do not,” he said. “Hence, the Centre’s Bill this time is a progressive step. They are not giving a concession but a correction of this rot.”

Raj Lali Gill, chairperson of the Punjab State Women Commission, also welcomed the push for greater representation but argued it should go further. “It is really good that they are doing it. But why don’t they make it 50 per cent? Women work not only as much as men but more than them. They should raise it to 50 per cent,” she said.

As the national debate on women’s representation in Parliament gains momentum, Punjab’s experience offers both a model and a caution, demonstrating that while reservation can change who gets elected, changing how power is exercised may take longer.