The jarring juxtaposition of obscene wealth and abject poverty peaceably co-existing in India is the sardonic subject of Manu Joseph’s Why the Poor Don’t Kill Us.
Why the poor do not rise against the rich? asks Joseph. Why do they not burn the palaces and banks? These questions, while grotesque, once asked, are impossible to ignore, and in Joseph’s hands provide a peek into the collective Indian psyche.
The pragmatism of the poor is apparent from Joseph’s first-hand account of the 2001 Bhuj earthquake, where a man offers directions even as his family lies trapped under rubble, and photojournalists are hounded to ensure proof of death. The poor, Joseph writes, accept tragedy as routine, as though misfortune were a law of nature.
They are a people so exhausted by survival that they cannot imagine resistance. “They could,” Joseph writes, “crawl out from their catastrophes and finish us off.” Why they do not is the question that sustains the book, which offers an acerbic social anatomy of a nation that prides itself on democracy while tolerating medieval inequality. The poor, Joseph argues, are “ancient people living in modern times,” trapped in a fatalistic loop that treats suffering as destiny.
Across eighteen essays, the author dissects how inequality persists because the poor have been culturally, morally and psychologically conditioned to accept their fate.
False consciousness and the comfort of ugliness
A Marxist reading of Joseph’s argument is unavoidable. He treats the poor as people trapped within a system that has colonised their imaginations. In Marxist terms, they suffer from false consciousness, a condition in which the oppressed internalise the morality of their oppressors.
Religion, caste and nationalism combine to transform injustice into destiny. Even ugliness, Joseph observes, can be political. India’s civic ugliness, he argues, “reassures the poor that the nation has not left them behind.” Where European cities mask inequality beneath order and cleanliness, India displays its disorder as proof of belonging. The broken pavements and peeling walls tell the poor that this chaos is theirs too. Ugliness, in Joseph’s view, functions as a sedative, maintaining the illusion of equality.
India’s stark coexistence of luxury and deprivation that fuels Joseph’s piercing questions. (Express photo by Oinam Anand. )
The poor against the poor
Joseph observes that the poor, like the rich, reserve their deepest resentment for their equals. “The poor are the worst enemies of the poor,” he writes. It describes a society so divided by micro-hierarchies that class solidarity is impossible.
Envy is lateral rather than vertical, which means that a poor man competes with his neighbour. In this sense, Joseph’s India is one in which the revolutionary subject (Marx’s proletariat) has been dismantled by a thousand tiny divisions.
The moral theatre of the middle class
Joseph calls the urban middle class “the new conscientious sahibs,” who are polite to their servants, and sometimes publicly remorseful, but their civility is a mask as thet continue to rely on the poor all the while disavowing the exploitation that sustains them. In Marxist terms, they are the petit bourgeoisie, who morally camouflage capitalism.
Joseph charts this hypocrisy with wicked observational sarcasm. “The new conscientious sahib,” he writes, “even exclaims on social media how cruel it is that maids are ‘expected to be invisible’.… is unlikely to … let the maid use the toilet, or the cutlery.”
The essay, ‘The Defeat Of The Amateur Indian, And His World Framed In English’, extends Joseph’s critique into culture, exploring what happens when Indians divorced from their mother tongues begin thinking in English. The English-speaking elite that rule the country are also the ones estranged from it. “Amateurs” in their own nation, they adopt Western ideals of secularism and liberty without working to achieve the social conditions that produced them. Joseph draws an acurate portrait of their unease and constant self-consciousness, all the while knowing that he is one of them.
Politics as pacification
Joseph’s description of Indian politics, where corrupt politicians act as “vents for anger so that it does not escalate into something worse,” corresponds to Marx’s notion of the state as “the executive committee of the bourgeoisie.” Populist handouts and spectacle-driven elections serve to release social pressure without altering the economic structure.
From a Marxist perspective, Joseph’s worldview is despairingly anti-revolutionary as he does not believe that the poor will awaken to their oppression. “Revolutions,” he writes, “are created by the second rung of the elite to trounce their oppressor.” This is a savage inversion of Marx’s proletarian hope, indicating that in India rebellion is just another bourgeois project.
Readers familiar with Joseph’s fiction (Serious Men, The Illicit Happiness of Other People) will recognise his trademark combination of journalistic realism and biting irony. Joseph writes as an insider, both victim and beneficiary of India’s inequality. He writes from the uneasy vantage point of one who escaped, a man conscious that his comfort rests on another’s deprivation.
The verdict
Joseph’s argument is that peace in India is born of exhaustion and distraction. The poor do not rise because they are busy surviving and so the rich sleep soundly because inequality itself has been normalised.
This is not a comforting book. It does not redeem anyone, least of all the author. But, it is one of the few recent works of Indian nonfiction to treat the country as an absurdly resilient organism.
In the end, Joseph does not offer either hope or despair, just clear observations, which is perhaps the most honest service a writer can perform in an unequal world.
Publisher: Aleph Book Company
Length: 266 pages
Price: Rs 599