Dr Raheel Dhattiwala's upcoming book ‘Keeping the Peace: Spatial Differences in Hindu-Muslim Violence in Gujarat in 2002’ dwells on the mechanisms of peacekeeping during mass violence. In this interview, she explains how spatial layouts dictate patterns of violence.
This feeling of exclusion is hard to miss in Signal Falia, where more than a decade after the Sabarmati incident and the riots that followed, Muslims are open to talking, but do so mostly without giving their last names, like Hanifbhai.
"Yeh log dangai hai (these people are rioters). When Modi was asked after 2002 Gujarat riots why he doesn't visit the relief camps, he had said what's the point in going to children-producing mine," Kanhaiya Kumar said.
Zakia Jafri has challenged an October 5, 2017 judgment of the Gujarat High Court which upheld the clean chit given to several politicians and senior bureaucrats by the Special Investigation Team (SIT) in its closure report, citing lack of “prosecutable evidence” against them.
Changes have been incorporated in the last chapter of the textbook titled ‘Recent Developments in Indian Politics’ to tweak the nomenclature of the riots. So, the heading of the passage on the riots (on page 187) has been changed from ‘Anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat’ to just ‘Gujarat riots’.
On March 3, 19-year-old Bilkis Bano along with her family were on their way, escaping a mob on a truck. Bilkis was five months pregnant and accompanying her were 17 other people in the truck, including her 2-year-old daughter.