For Nawaz Sharif, one shows the way to hardening hostility, the other to fragile peace
In Pakistan, judges are a part of the problem of religious conservatism trumping justice
In dysfunctional states as Pakistan, political polarisation is complicated by the difficulties of publicising facts because of a fear of being killed by terrorists or being “disappeared” by the deep state.
The Sehwan killing by IS only reaffirmed what Pakistan formally believes in.
States obsessed with borders may even implode, making their people refugees
Does religion form the core of the Pakistani identity and is it reconcilable with democracy and its institutional forms? From Pakistan’s army, a range of responses
In the early 2000s, Saeed was asked to temporarily stay at home by the-then ruling General Pervez Musharraf, a request Saeed didn’t like; today, Musharraf is in exile, running away from a treason trial in Pakistan.
Can Kashmir become the link between South and Central Asia?
In Pakistan, state empowered the seminary by hiring proxy warriors from it. Then, the un-empowered developed their own street muscle, weaponising themselves through the underworld where jihad and crime meet
A nation divided, and another seeking leadership of the supranational ummah
He was familiar, not because he was photogenic like Salman Khan and Aamir Khan, but because he was a natural actor who invited focus.
Move to strike down Sindh’s anti-conversion law will push Pakistan further into chaos.
Trade utopia of CPEC will remain incomplete if India is kept out
In Sindh, culturally sanctioned killings of women continue to take a tragic toll.
The chief reporter of a leading daily, Ansar Abbasi, reacted to the PM’s decision by asking why Salam was being honoured in Rabi-ul-Awwal, the month the Prophet PBUH was born.
States have more room for manoeuvre if they keep their options open.
The general tried to change the army’s template — with limited success.
Foreign teams had declined to play in Pakistan after a Sri Lankan side was attacked by terrorists in Lahore in 2009.
In Pakistan, it is hatred of an imposed order, part of the Islamisation of the state.
On November 2, Imran Khan and his Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) will stage the final sit-in of indefinite duration in Islamabad till Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif gives up and resigns.
India has chosen its enemy and become like it.
His career underlines there is nothing holy about jihad by state and non-state actors.
They knew that, starting 1997, he had lived in Tehran for seven years after apologising for having kicked the pro-Iran Shia militias out of the post-withdrawal mujahideen shura of Peshawar.
Fakir Syed Aijazuddin’s memoirs speak to modern-day Pakistan.
Pakistan does not know what it has lost. India doesn’t recognise where it is winning.
Once the smoke settles down, Pakistan and India must get together and “isolate” the Kashmir issue by creating more bilateral barriers to cross-LoC interference and normalise economic relations.
Has the Kashmir issue been “bilateralised” or is it still open to a “multilateral” solution?
Pakistan has vowed to get rid of its armed militias, but they aren’t leaving quietly.
After Altaf Hussain’s denunciation of Pakistan, MQM faces a crisis.
Democracy makes Muslim states unstable because they think Islam is essentially democratic.
In the I-Day speeches of PMs of India and Pakistan, blame-games that paper over hard realities.
Pakistan’s foreign policy, founded on hostility towards India, has isolated it globally.
Pakistani political groups patronise madrassas that participate in terror activities
Everybody knows in Pakistan, but will not say so, that Nawaz Sharif too thinks in the same way as Narendra Modi.
Zakir Naik is ‘protected’ as an Indian citizen but he considers himself a Muslim first
Pakistan can’t escape self-correction or regional isolation by leaning on China