Sonia declared that she would canvass for the Congress in the parliamentary polls due in March 1998, even though she had tersely refused to do so two years earlier.
India’s quest for a place at the world’s high table continues, with no end in sight.
The seven years between his assassination and her becoming Congress president were crucial
After Sonia Gandhi’s refusal to become PM, the Congress put up an embarrassing show.
The fortunes of politicians have long been entwined with this vegetable.
The BJP — and the Congress — were caught off-guard by Vajpayee’s defeat in 2004.
Vajpayee tirelessly sought to improve relations with Pakistan, despite setbacks.
Regrettably, neither before nor after has pre-poll canvassing been so sordid as in 1969, incidentally the Mahatma’s birth centenary year.
The Vajpayee years saw their share of scandal — but there were victories too, such as the decision not to send troops to Iraq.
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Sonia was unable to attract allies, cobble together the numbers to form government. Vajpayee’s stint as caretaker prime minister sealed the outcome of the next election.
Vajpayee’s government came agonisingly lose to survival in 1999.
But the euphoria after Pokhran II lasted only a short while.
Remembering the world’s first televised war in Vietnam.
In 1998, India began watching a new prime minister and a new Congress president.
The exit of Narasimha Rao triggered the coalition era
A similar tale of dynasty and power unfolds on both sides of the border.
Rao was not Sonia’s first choice. The timing of his rise to power could not have been worse.
The V.P. Singh government was the biggest casualty of this confrontation.
Two days before Lal’s scheduled rally, Singh fired what was his ultimate political weapon to upstage his former deputy. He announced that he had accepted the report of the Mandal Commission with immediate effect.
Beijing’s reaction to Modi’s Arunachal Pradesh visit was unusually strong.
Intrigue and confusion characterised the tenure of the National Front government.
His attempts, at home and abroad, to mitigate the opposition’s challenge came to nought.
Rajiv Gandhi’s Colombo policy was flawed. It turned both Tamils and Sinhalese against New Delhi and dented the image of the Indian army.
The warring leaders should end their feud for Bangladesh’s sake.
He didn’t learn from past mistakes. Instead, he opened new battlefronts, made new enemies.
The unseemly clamour is a portent.
The spat with V.P. Singh and the Bofors scandal dented Rajiv Gandhi’s image. After that, he could do nothing right.
Rajiv Gandhi’s attempt to please conservatives among Muslims and Hindus cost him the support of both
Rajiv Gandhi was very popular in his initial years in office. But he could not deliver on his promises.
In death, as in life, Nehru’s popularity had to be seen to be believed.
Nehru won over everyone he met, including and especially women.
Nehru respected Parliament and earned the respect of parliamentarians.
Nehru always arrived on the dot and asked what subjects we wanted to discuss.
By the time the Constitution came into force in 1950, Nehru had totally disproved his self-analysis in Modern Review.