C. Raja Mohan is consulting editor on foreign affairs for The Indian Express and a distinguished fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. Before his association with The Indian Express began in 2004, Raja Mohan worked for The Hindu as its Washington correspondent and Strategic Affairs Editor. In his academic avatar, Raja Mohan has been professor of South Asian Studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and the Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. As a think tanker, he worked at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and Centre for Policy Research in New Delhi. He is on the editorial board of various international affairs journals and is affiliated with the Institute of South Asian Studies, Singapore; the Lowy Institute, Sydney; and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington DC. He is the author, most recently, of Samudra Manthan: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the Indo-Pacific.
As countries ranging from Britain to Brunei and Tanzania to Tajikistan jumped on Xi’s Silk Road bandwagon, Japan, the other Asian giant and the world’s third-largest economy, watched warily.
Modi can leverage foreign policy, in political and economic terms, to repair his domestic image
One joint statement does not guarantee that Delhi and London will be best friends forever in the Subcontinent and the Indian Ocean. But it heralds the beginning of a new phase in the regional engagement between India and Britain.
Delhi’s new approach to defence diplomacy came out clearly in the comprehensive joint security agenda set by Modi and Cameron
The rout in Patna could generate complications for Modi’s conduct of international relations, at least in the near term.
As they look to diversify security partnerships, Manila and Hanoi would like to see India be more forthcoming with its hard power
The Africa summit provides the PM with an opportunity to think more boldly about India’s security engagement with the continent.
India needs to think with its head to exploit opportunities in the US-Pak nuclear negotiations.
For the foreseeable future, there is no prospect that India’s military ties with the U.S. and China will be similar let alone symmetric.
Narendra Modi’s impressive outreach to the neighbours when he took charge of Indian diplomacy in May 2014 has seen some unfortunate stumbles — in the Maldives, Nepal and Pakistan.
Although the deal has been termed a potential “diplomatic blockbuster”, its inherent contradictions may make it difficult to sell in both the US and Pakistan.
Neither Prime Minister Narendra Modi nor Chancellor Angela Merkel may have heard of the “Hindu-German conspiracy”.
India does well to revise its approach to international peacekeeping
Modi and Obama need to lock-in recent gains, compel their bureaucracies to turn declarations into outcomes.
US and China cooperate as well as compete in the cyber domain. India must take notes
Having recast key bilateral ties, Modi now has a chance to end Delhi’s defensiveness in approaching the world.
The causeway across the Palk Strait could become the most powerful symbol of South Asia’s new regionalism.
RSS reminder on special relations with Pakistan should coax a coherent strategy from government.
In most societies, the past is never really past. It is continually put to political use by governments in pursuit of a current political objective. China is no exception.
In being unafraid of bringing religion into foreign policy, Modi treads new ground in India. But there are dangers.
India and Pakistan can’t stay away from each other or with each other for too long
India-Pak relations and Kashmir enter uncharted waters.
Some reports suggest that Delhi might have a ‘surprise’ in store for Pakistan at the NSA talks this weekend.
The understanding arrived between Modi and the UAE leadership on the nature of the threat from terrorism, and the measures needed to counter it go much farther, and are far more explicit.
In the Gulf, Delhi’s focus remained riveted on coping with the challenges of growing energy dependence on the region and managing the export of its expatriate labour.
Recent developments demand that New Delhi take a fresh strategic look at the region.
Even if Pakistan succeeds in getting the new Taliban leadership to the table, there will be enough Afghan elements to challenge the terms.
At a time when America is in political retreat and the Western economic footprint is declining in Afghanistan, China has naturally loomed large in Kabul.
Going against the grain of entrenched pacifism in Japan, Abe is making the case that Tokyo should respond to the rapidly unfolding geopolitical changes in the region.
In the decade since July 2005, India and the US haven’t done much nuclear business — but few could have predicted how far, and how fast, their broader engagement has moved since then
Lifting of sanctions will release Iranian oil, US-Iran cooperation will rejig old relationships in region
The SCO summit, welcoming India and Pakistan as full members, was indeed a good place to restart the dialogue.
Delhi has had a great run so far, claiming strategic partnerships with all in the name of “multi-alignment”.
Modi’s visit marks a new start. But a long-term strategy is needed to overcome constraints on India’s role in the region
India’s support to an an open, plural and global internet at an international conference last month won much praise from the civil society groups at home and the United States government.
The Chinese navy first showed its flag in the Indian Ocean nearly three decades ago, when it began to make ship visits to Sri Lanka and Pakistan.