The writer is director, Carnegie India, and the consulting editor on foreign affairs for 'The Indian Express'. Before his association with The Indian Express began in 2004, Raja Mohan worked for The Hindu as its Washington correspondent and Strategic Affairs Editor. He was a distinguished fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. In his academic avatar, Raja Mohan has been professor of South Asian Studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and the Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. As a think tanker, he worked at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and Centre for Policy Research in New Delhi. He is on the editorial board of various international affairs journals and is affiliated with the Institute of South Asian Studies, Singapore; the Lowy Institute, Sydney; and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington DC. He is the author, most recently, of Samudra Manthan: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the Indo-Pacific.
China has tapped into anti-American sentiments in Asia to develop alternatives to US-led institutions in the region.
On its part, India must move away from from the idea of parity with China to finding ways to cope with the consequences of the growing gap in material capabilities.
The example of NATO, the world’s most powerful military alliance, is instructive. The US and West European states came together in 1949 to counter what they saw as an assertive Soviet Union after World War II.
Dhaka and Colombo’s commitment to regionalism indicates that the climate is right for bringing South and South East Asia closer.
Redefinition of the Afghan issue in the region and India’s conflict with Pakistan could mean a greater role for Delhi in Kabul.
PM Modi’s test begins now. He must retain control over escalation, ensure cross-border attacks become a regular response to terror strikes from across LoC, sustain pressure on Rawalpindi’s vulnerabilities.
India’s search for alternatives to this regional forum must quicken.
As it draws closer to Pakistan and China, India must stop taking it for granted.
PM Modi’s strategy of escalation vis a vis Pakistan seems like a gamble. But it is not without calculation.
The non-aligned project has long stopped being a foreign policy priority for its members.
With Afghanistan seeking a stronger security partnership with India, Delhi must evaluate the strategic opportunities and risks.
The fourth phase of India’s engagement with the East is overdue.
With Chinese influence growing in the subcontinent, India needs greater engagement with the big powers.
It’s a different Middle East, but Modi and Sisi need to reclaim the legacy of Nehru and Nasser.
Modi and Obama should wrap up the unfinished tasks in the agenda set by them before a new regime takes over in Washington.
Delhi’s Look East policy has to contend with Beijing, seen to be a more reliable partner for Nepal and Myanmar in development projects.
Balochistan and Kashmir have become key strategic points in Sino-Pak ties, upsetting India’s traditional engagement with the two countries.
PM raises stakes with Pak. But Srinagar, not Balochistan, must be at heart of Kashmir strategy.
India might think of itself as equal to China, but the realists point to the power shift that has begun to express itself in Beijing’s ties with Delhi.
India should be patient with Pakistan, engage with other South Asian countries and not give up on the regional forum.
Donald Trump has sent shock waves around the world by distancing himself from most of the things that the Republican Party has stood for in recent years.
As Trump’s support cuts across traditional lines, Hillary Clinton has a tough task
Whatever the reasons, there is no disregarding the extraordinary rise of Trump in American politics over the past few months
China’s rejection of international arbitration raises questions. Delhi’s reaction must focus on need to de-escalate conflict in South China Sea.
Delhi needs a more agile — and more open — policy to engage with Beijing
The Narendra Modi government is not easily rattled by disapproving noises.
Should leverage goodwill with Brexiteers, move on a quick FTA, explore possibilities in C’wealth.
India’s high-wire NSG diplomacy reveals a new level of self-assurance that can explore the room for accommodation in all directions.
As Prime Minister Narendra Modi consolidates the strategic partnership with the United States, critics and doubters have questions about the cost of becoming real friends with America
PM Modi’s US visit has highlighted a new sense of purpose between New Delhi and Washington.
The partnership between the two countries has never had the kind of depth and breadth that it has today. Modi is aware of the special role the Congress played in getting the two nations to this point.
As Delhi’s economic weight grows and its strategic footprint widens, the return of the idea, and the ambition, was inevitable.
Modi, Obama must work out a new framework for geo-political burden-sharing between India, US
As other powers engage South Asian nations, Delhi must deal with a changing Subcontinent.
India’s president needs to convey to his hosts that there is decreasing tolerance for China’s NSG mischief.
Project illustrates India’s opportunity. Delay points to deep-rooted internal constraints