The writer is director, Carnegie India, and the consulting editor on foreign affairs for 'The Indian Express'. Before his association with The Indian Express began in 2004, Raja Mohan worked for The Hindu as its Washington correspondent and Strategic Affairs Editor. He was a distinguished fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. In his academic avatar, Raja Mohan has been professor of South Asian Studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and the Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. As a think tanker, he worked at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and Centre for Policy Research in New Delhi. He is on the editorial board of various international affairs journals and is affiliated with the Institute of South Asian Studies, Singapore; the Lowy Institute, Sydney; and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington DC. He is the author, most recently, of Samudra Manthan: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the Indo-Pacific.
India must prepare for his buy-American-hire-American protectionism
To deal with an unpredictable US, India will need to be more skilful, less a prisoner of the past
Despite a leadership vacuum in the post-Trump world, Beijing’s current unilateralism is likely to limit China’s global possibilities.
Trump’s USA may cooperate with Russia like never before, significantly altering global power equations.
India should reconsider its stated position of shared global interests with China in view of Beijing’s repeated rebuffs in international fora
Modi has bet that Indian diaspora can enhance its contribution to India's economic development, act a bridge to the nations that host them, and help promote India's broader international goals.
Amidst this unusual jockeying, the White House reminded Donald Trump a few days ago that there is only one president at a time.
India has a trade surplus with America, which has ended its pro-Pakistan tilt and supports India’s membership of the UNSC and NSG. Washington says it wants to see India emerge as a great power; China seems to block India’s rise.
Backlash against globalisation, technological innovations and rivalries between great powers threaten India’s economic and security applecart
The argument over the Dalai Lama is not new. But its gathering intensity could add to the turbulence in Sino-Indian relations.
India must facilitate investments in artificial intelligence and be prepared to address the negative fallouts of the technological revolution.
Centre and technology hubs need to reinvent their relationship to balance the twin imperatives of innovation and economic and social regulation.
An insightful account of the evolution of India’s foreign policy after the Cold War.
The fusion of the cyber and the physical is transforming the global economic and security landscape. Delhi must begin to pay attention.
Government has rarely won the battle against the army in Pakistan. Delhi must be prepared to signal its support to civilian rule.
The Trump effect is likely to reconfigure the region’s politics
Depends on how nationalism, anti-globalism and xenophobia play out as policy in US, across world.
America is increasingly using AI in political campaigns, newsrooms and analyses, sparking a debate on efficiency versus social responsibility.
Vladimir Putin has been a talking point in US polls. Whoever wins, Russia-US tensions may deepen.
Japan, however, was clearly an exception rather than the rule. Its route to rise through reform, modernisation and Westernisation seemed quite difficult for its Asian neighbours.
For India, Nepal is the “Punya Bhoomi”, as Prime Minister Narendra Modi often reminds us.
China has tapped into anti-American sentiments in Asia to develop alternatives to US-led institutions in the region.
On its part, India must move away from from the idea of parity with China to finding ways to cope with the consequences of the growing gap in material capabilities.
The example of NATO, the world’s most powerful military alliance, is instructive. The US and West European states came together in 1949 to counter what they saw as an assertive Soviet Union after World War II.
Dhaka and Colombo’s commitment to regionalism indicates that the climate is right for bringing South and South East Asia closer.
Redefinition of the Afghan issue in the region and India’s conflict with Pakistan could mean a greater role for Delhi in Kabul.
PM Modi’s test begins now. He must retain control over escalation, ensure cross-border attacks become a regular response to terror strikes from across LoC, sustain pressure on Rawalpindi’s vulnerabilities.
India’s search for alternatives to this regional forum must quicken.
As it draws closer to Pakistan and China, India must stop taking it for granted.
PM Modi’s strategy of escalation vis a vis Pakistan seems like a gamble. But it is not without calculation.
The non-aligned project has long stopped being a foreign policy priority for its members.
With Afghanistan seeking a stronger security partnership with India, Delhi must evaluate the strategic opportunities and risks.
The fourth phase of India’s engagement with the East is overdue.
With Chinese influence growing in the subcontinent, India needs greater engagement with the big powers.
It’s a different Middle East, but Modi and Sisi need to reclaim the legacy of Nehru and Nasser.
Modi and Obama should wrap up the unfinished tasks in the agenda set by them before a new regime takes over in Washington.