C. Raja Mohan is consulting editor on foreign affairs for The Indian Express and a distinguished fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. Before his association with The Indian Express began in 2004, Raja Mohan worked for The Hindu as its Washington correspondent and Strategic Affairs Editor. In his academic avatar, Raja Mohan has been professor of South Asian Studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and the Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. As a think tanker, he worked at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and Centre for Policy Research in New Delhi. He is on the editorial board of various international affairs journals and is affiliated with the Institute of South Asian Studies, Singapore; the Lowy Institute, Sydney; and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington DC. He is the author, most recently, of Samudra Manthan: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the Indo-Pacific.
In being unafraid of bringing religion into foreign policy, Modi treads new ground in India. But there are dangers.
India and Pakistan can’t stay away from each other or with each other for too long
India-Pak relations and Kashmir enter uncharted waters.
Some reports suggest that Delhi might have a ‘surprise’ in store for Pakistan at the NSA talks this weekend.
The understanding arrived between Modi and the UAE leadership on the nature of the threat from terrorism, and the measures needed to counter it go much farther, and are far more explicit.
In the Gulf, Delhi’s focus remained riveted on coping with the challenges of growing energy dependence on the region and managing the export of its expatriate labour.
Recent developments demand that New Delhi take a fresh strategic look at the region.
Even if Pakistan succeeds in getting the new Taliban leadership to the table, there will be enough Afghan elements to challenge the terms.
At a time when America is in political retreat and the Western economic footprint is declining in Afghanistan, China has naturally loomed large in Kabul.
Going against the grain of entrenched pacifism in Japan, Abe is making the case that Tokyo should respond to the rapidly unfolding geopolitical changes in the region.
In the decade since July 2005, India and the US haven’t done much nuclear business — but few could have predicted how far, and how fast, their broader engagement has moved since then
Lifting of sanctions will release Iranian oil, US-Iran cooperation will rejig old relationships in region
The SCO summit, welcoming India and Pakistan as full members, was indeed a good place to restart the dialogue.
Delhi has had a great run so far, claiming strategic partnerships with all in the name of “multi-alignment”.
Modi’s visit marks a new start. But a long-term strategy is needed to overcome constraints on India’s role in the region
India’s support to an an open, plural and global internet at an international conference last month won much praise from the civil society groups at home and the United States government.
The Chinese navy first showed its flag in the Indian Ocean nearly three decades ago, when it began to make ship visits to Sri Lanka and Pakistan.
Agreement between Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal marks a new sub-regional framework.
The impressive participation around the world on International Yoga Day is indeed a testimony to India’s immense reservoir of soft power.
As Tehran and Washington inch towards a nuclear deal, there will be much room for expansive engagement between India and Iran.
If China’s stakes in Myanmar are massive and enduring, Suu Kyi can’t ignore Myanmar’s deep historic ties with China and the logic of geography.
India’s inward economic orientation and preoccupation with the troubled land borders in the north and northwest resulted in Delhi neglecting its maritime frontiers.
Detritus of 1947 is being cleared. In Dhaka, Modi must unveil forward-looking economic agenda for region.
Both are under pressure to cope with the challenges of the current fluid power dynamic in Asia.
The tone of disinterest in Asian defence diplomacy, set by A.K. Antony during the UPA years, appears to continue under the Narendra Modi government.
Narendra Modi’s greatest momentum has been in foreign policy. But the external opportunities he has successfully created for India could be undermined by potential domestic failures.
Although geography limits New Delhi’s role in East Asia, Modi is betting India can win friends and partners through active engagement.
India should judge the possibilities for civil nuclear cooperation with China on the basis of technical merit and economic costs.
Modi is trying to move the Sino-Indian relationship out of the stasis that it finds itself in.
Modi is abandoning the old approach to China. But he needs to get the Delhi establishment to play ball.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit next month must focus on making the border regions a zone of peace, stability and economic cooperation.
President Pranab Mukherjee's decision to join WWII commemorative ceremonies in Russia important to India for manifold reasons.
If there was a moment to lend substance to the claim that the neighbourhood ranks first in India’s foreign policy, it is now and in Nepal.
During Ashraf Ghani’s visit, Delhi must signal support informed by an appreciation of Afghanistan’s strategic dilemmas.
A fortnightly column on the high politics of the Af-Pak region, the fulcrum of global power play in India’s neighbourhood.
Chinese president’s visit to Pakistan could be an opportunity to transform New Delhi’s relationship with Islamabad and Beijing.