Manjhi knows even Lalu Prasad may not afford to dislike him because OBC-dalit combination is required for much-hyped Mandal consolidation.
No evidence to show labour laws are the only, or even main, constraint to growth.
The latest spate of violence underlines need for a political solution to Assam-Nagaland conflict.
Kerala will take a financial hit but in the short term, Chandy’s cup brims over.
The Constitution of India as adopted in 1950 had envisaged independent India as a federal, socialist and secular democracy based on the doctrines of equality and liberty. The ideals of equality, liberty, socialism and secularism underlay its provisions from the very beginning but the last two of these were made more conspicuous in 1976, when the preamble to the Constitution was amended to formally declare India a socialist and secular country. Our understanding of equality, liberty, socialism and secularism has, however, always been different from how the rest of the world understands these ideals. The Constitution itself made them somewhat special.
Provisions mandating the state to protect the cow for the majority community and the kirpan for the Sikh minority were included in its initial version. For the purposes of protective discrimination and affirmative action to eliminate backwardness, the Constitution specified Scheduled Castes, which, to begin with, were restricted to the majority community. But gradually, the classification was opened up to include two particular minorities, in response to their protests against exclusion. The established traditions of the erstwhile princely states of Travancore and Cochin to maintain temples out of the state exchequer were protected at the time of their assimilation into the Indian Union — a special provision to that effect was inserted in the Constitution.
The Congress party, over about half a century of ruling the country, made our concepts of socialism, secularism, equality and liberty more special thanks to its policies and performance. In 1968, its government convinced the Supreme Court that the Aligarh Muslim University had not been established by Muslims and hence was not entitled to the benefits accorded by the Constitution to minority educational institutions. In 1976, after proclaiming the Emergency to save its government, it succeeded in making the majority of a Supreme Court bench agree that depriving political detenus of their constitutional remedies against arbitrary arrest was fine. In 1991, it enacted a Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act to protect the shrines of all communities from communal vandalism but felt constrained to keep the 500-year-old Ayodhya mosque out of its ambit. In 1993, it set up, under foreign pressure, a National Human Rights Commission but could not care less about its decisions and recommendations.
After remaining out of power for eight years, when the Congress bounced back in 2004, it ruled in the name of an absolutely honest and sincere head of government but he was allegedly constantly excluded from decision-making exercises. During this decade, the Congress extended to the largest minority continued…