Europes far-right nationalists are forming alliances to weaken the European Union.
It may seem bizarre that two far-right,nationalist politicians Marine Le Pen of France and Geert Wilders of the Netherlands have reached across borders to form a Pan-European group dedicated to weakening the EU. Their aim is a transnational political alliance that would compete in the May elections for the European Parliament; once in power,they would cooperate to try to rein in the power of Brussels. Are these politicians,who share an opposition to immigration and a scepticism about the free flow of labour and capital across the continent,simply hypocritical opportunists,as many Europeans of the left believe? Perhaps.
But in fact,since the early 20th century,Europes far-right nationalists have often united in search of an other to oppose,exclude,resist,restrict or oppress historically,minorities like Jews,homosexuals,the disabled,Roma,Marxists and,more recently,Arabs,Africans and Asians. What emerged after World War I was a philosophy that could be called euro-fascist. The most extreme proponents,of course,were the Nazis: Notwithstanding their doctrine of racial supremacy,even they formed alliances with Mussolinis Italy and the militarists of Japan and found keen fascist collaborators in nations they invaded.
This vision did not die with the end of World War II. Transnational links among right-wing parties,based on common fears of minorities and immigrants,endured. The right-wingers,while speaking different languages,borrowed ideals,strategies,slogans and theorists from one another. The National Front in France,founded in 1972 by Le Pens father,Jean-Marie Le Pen,imitated the symbol and political tactics of the original neo-Fascist party,the Italian Social Movement,which was formed in 1946 by admirers of Mussolini and,in 1979,coordinated with like-minded French and Spanish parties to compete (with little success) in the first popular elections for the European Parliament.
So when observers marvel about the new nationalist parties of Europe,they are capturing only part of the truth. These right-wingers mistrust or even detest the continents core institutions the European Commission,the European Central Bank and the European Parliament but they are perfectly happy to join up with extremists in other countries to weaken those institutions. Which raises a question: What makes the EU so appealing as a target?
The answer may (and should) shock complacent left-leaning and centre-right Europeans alike. Europe,as an idea and a community,has weakened. The EUs byzantine governance makes it seem unaccountable. Its leaders notably José Manuel Barroso of Portugal,the president of the EC,the unions executive body; Herman van Rompuy of Belgium,the president of the European Council,which comprises the 28 heads of government; and Catherine Ashton,the unions top diplomat are little known outside of elite circles.
Soaring youth unemployment,stringent fiscal policies,German-led monetary clout and the presence of Muslim immigrants have created a perfect target for the likes of Wilders and Le Pen,who blame outside forces like the IMF,the ECB and the EU for their nations woes. Conveniently,they overlook structural problems like the costs of social welfare and pension programmes,declining birthrates,ageing populations,stagnant labour productivity and intensifying competition from the economies of Asia and Latin America.
Surveys show that the anti-EU forces may win more than 90 of the 751 seats to be contested in the May elections for the European Parliament. That might be enough to form an official parliamentary group and to make them eligible,like the transnational alliances of socialists and centre-right Christian democrats,for EU financing and full political recognition. Even as a tiny,noisy voice within the European Parliament,this alliance could create a lot of trouble.
The perception that bureaucrats in Brussels,bankers in Frankfurt and European lawmakers in Strasbourg,France,are haughty and indifferent has made it possible for demagogues to pose as populists who are alone in understanding the people. Tragically,in the face of this assault,calls for European solidarity are few. This is a sign of how far Europe has come from the dream that helped lift it from the ashes of war. It is a sign of the fading of the vision common markets,democratic institutions and societal integration promoted by the postwar founders of European integration. The EU must reclaim its reputation as a champion of the people. Its leaders should abandon their embrace of technocratic solutions,their support for the banking sector and their stoic austerity. Unless they deliver more jobs,and more of a sense that citizens are in charge,the far right will only keep growing.
Mammone is a lecturer in modern European history at Royal Holloway,the University of London.
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