His approach resembles that of Indira Gandhi. But he must note: in Delhi, what one controls, slips away.
We in the news media fall down in covering the big trends.
That’s the only way to fight Hindu fundamentalists.
For nuclear development, India must be part of a stable liability regime.
Military voices now challenge the established narrative of the Bangladesh war.
Every year,December 16 is observed in Pakistan as a moment of morose stocktaking,in which India is held responsible for the break-up of Pakistan in 1971. However,over the years,the Pakistani media has taken to mixing the message. It now balances the short-term culpability of India with the long-term culpability of Pakistan.
This year,the familiar pattern was disturbed by the hanging of a Jamaat-e-Islami (Bangladesh) leader,Abdul Quader Mollah,for war crimes including the rape and slaughter of women,while he opposed the war of liberation for the new state of Bangladesh.
As the NGOs protest at the way Mollah was punished,the world has accepted the hanging. The Islamabad foreign office pointed to the violation of human rights in the war crimes tribunal,but called it an internal matter for Bangladesh. The Pakistani parliament,though,decided to condemn the hanging through a non-unanimous but bitterly-worded resolution that has not been taken kindly by Dhaka.
The Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan having recently won back Taliban and al-Qaeda protection flexed its street muscle by protesting against the hanging of a man it feels affiliated to. It rightly expected the parliament to bend in deference to this new empowerment. But the media in Pakistan has mixed the message more than usual this time. The secret Hamoodur Rehman Commission report on the atrocities committed by the Pakistan army in East Pakistan in 1971 has been taken out of the states closet of collective conscience and quoted to great effect.
Unread books by honest military officers are now being quoted to the embarrassment of the Jamaat,which had thought the battle for its new leg-up had been won after the Mollah hanging. What Pakistan is still forgetting is the fundamental critique of its conduct towards East Pakistan contained in a book by senior bureaucrat,Hasan Zaheer The Separation of East Pakistan (1994). In this,linguistic nationalism was more properly understood as the element which alienated the Bengali Muslim from the West Pakistani Muslim.
The idea of imposing Urdu on East Pakistan was born in the mind of a non-Bengali education secretary of East Pakistan,F.A. Karim,who was able to convince a dimwit Bengali central education minister in Karachi,Fazlur Rehman,to adopt it. It also caught the imagination of the governor of East Pakistan,Malik Feroz Khan Noon,not the brightest son of Punjab. He started the scheme of writing Bengali in the Arabic script. By 1952,there were 21 centres doing this in East Pakistan,funded by the central education ministry. The East Pakistan chief minister didnt even know that this was happening outside the primary school stream.
Zaheer writes: Such was the insensitivity of the ruling party to popular issues that the East Pakistan Muslim League Council also recommended Arabic as the state language. This was not acceptable even to the West Pakistan intelligentsia. What happened to the Muslim League in East Pakistan in the years that followed is history.
Major General Hakeem Arshad Qureshi,who wrote The 1971 Indo-Pak War: A Soldiers Narrative (2002),was commander of the SSG Commandos and an infantry battalion in East Pakistan in continued…