To establish their supremacy, French kings wanted control over nature too.
Shah Rukh Khan has spearheaded the trend, but others are not far behind. Here are the nominees.
We have war crimes as a new category in international law, for which there is an international court.
By Surinder S. Jodhka
The Jats, without doubt, have been the most important and powerful caste community in the rural landscapes of northwest India. The sources of their dominance have typically been their control over agricultural lands, their demographics and their networks beyond the village. However, unlike the other “dominant castes”, such as the Marathas of Maharashtra, the Patels of Gujarat, the Reddys and Kammas of Andhra Pradesh or the Lingayats of Karnataka, the Jats of northwest India have also been the “superior-most” community in terms of their status in the local rural caste hierarchies. Even though the institution of caste is pretty strong in the region, the hold of Brahmanical ideology has always been rather weak. The values of khudkasht (self-cultivation) that have dominated this region for long also provide the frame of reference for social hierarchies of caste in the region. No one was as good as a zamindar, and the category did not imply an absentee landlord here, as it did in Bengal, Bihar or eastern UP. Anyone who cultivated his own land and did not have to work for others as a farm labourer could qualify to be a zamindar, provided he belonged to the right caste community.
Even a Brahmin in rural Haryana would choose to identify himself as a zamindar if he owned agricultural land. However, given the social, cultural and economic significance of land, only the most valued could own it. Landownership and social status have been synonymous in the region. During my fieldwork in Haryana, I found rural Brahmins easily conceding to the status superiority of Jats and other landowning dominant caste communities. No wonder Dalits in the agrarian landscapes there have been almost completely landless. It is their landlessness, and not their “ritual status”, that accounts for their vulnerability in rural areas. Caste in the region has always operated within the framework of land relations. The Banias, Brahmins or Punjabi Khatris/ Aroras could claim superior status in urban centres but never in the rural areas.
It is perhaps easy to explain the eagerness of the UPA government to include Jats in the OBC list — it appears to be a desperate electoral tactic. What is more difficult to explain is the widespread aspiration among Jat leaders to get themselves included in the list. Even though “backwardness” in this context is a statist category or a legal status, it also indicates one’s social position in society.
While it is true that some of them are poor, the majority of them in states like Haryana, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh do not lack in confidence or social and economic resources. They can send their children to schools or colleges on their own terms. continued…